Caesar, known as Colonel Caesar, who also subsequently succeeded to the Tintern
Estates under the settlement made by Margaret Pigott Colclough, on his marriage
with his first wife, thus again uniting both estates, or as much as remained of them,
in his own person, and becoming the head of the whole family. He was always
regarded with great affection by Madam Pigott, and treated by her as her heir and
successor, and certainly he did not fail in maintaining the honour and dignity of his
family, and reviving the old saying “As grand as Colclough”, though it must be
confessed that it was done at a fearful expenditure of money and a sad diminution
of the Estates.
Below a contempary quote from 'Richard Gill' contained in Beauchamp Colclough's family legends...
“Colonel Caesar was educated in Dublin by his godmother Madam Pigott,
at the age of 14 or 15, he and a comrade had a falling out one morning.
They fought on the lobby with small swords, and Caesar run him through.
He was tried for his life in the Courts, and his godmother gave directions to
his Counsel to send a special message of his liberation to the Abbey, and
she would well reward him; so three men set off with the news of his
acquittal, the first man that reached, got 5 guineas, the second 3, and the
last 1 1⁄2; and they were kept for three days to refresh themselves, as they
travelled bare foot, such was the mode of travelling at that time.”
The Colonel was only 23 years of age when he entered Parliament, which
place he kept for 40 years without opposition, though he was often
opposed in the House. It was on his account that the chairs were chained,
swords were prohibited to be worn, slippers to replace boots, he was
terrible in a passion, he carried all before him on the liberal, or in those
days the Whig side. He was a man of 6 feet 4 inches in height, and all his
sons were not much less except one, Richard the youngest, who was not
more than 5 feet 8 inches, but as supple as a kid, he would leap over three
of his father's Coach Horses side by side. His income in all of the property
was £4,500
He also kept up four houses, Duffry Hall, Tintern, one in Wexford and
another in Dublin, and spent three months of the year in each of them. He
used to come to Tintern in June, and three weeks before his coming he had
the village all whitewashed and cleaned out, and the week after his arrival,
he and his lady with 5 sons and 3 daughters, visited every house and family,
himself and sons all dressed alike in sky blue or scarlet, with swords by
their sides, and the Ladies in black silk, so stiff that the dresses would stand
of an end and rattle as they walked. The Colonel would ask each family how they were getting on, and did they require anything that he could do
for them. At that time it was a great place for all kinds of trades. In a small
way and to humiliate his sons, he would turn about to them, and tell them
it was those poor people who were keeping the fine clothes on them, and
not to forget them when they came in their way.
My father was born in the village in the year 1744 and remembers all these
things going on for many years. When the Colonel used to leave the Abbey
in September he would get all the ripe fruit taken down, and divide it all
amongst the people in the village according to family, himself being
present with a list in his hand, and in November there was two casks of
Cider made with the rest”.
More from Beauchamp family legends...
Colonel Caesar’s lavish expenditure and as a consequence., numerous debts, drove
him to the expedient of breaking the entail, and we find him in 1725 petitioning the
Irish Parliament for an Act to do so. This first attempt was unsuccessful, but in the
following year he obtained an Act of the Imperial Parliament under which large
portions of the Estates were sold, and again, some years afterwards, 1746, he
obtained a similar Act from the Irish Parliament, by which he was enabled to dispose
of great deal more. Notwithstanding all which, he was never out of monetary
troubles, even with the members of his own immediate family, as may be seen by a
letter addressed to him by his brother Henry, which I found with other papers in the
Abbey after the first trial,) and by the Will of the youngest brother Dudley, of
Balecormuck. One of his favourite devices, was the assignment of his life interest in a
Townsland, instance Rossard to his brother Henry. It is said that an open rupture
about money took place between him and his next brother Francis, and which was
perhaps the cause of the latters joining the ranks of the Irish Brigade in the service of
France, and his consequent outlawry. And here I cannot resist the temptation of
introducing a Jacobite distich of that period 1745 attributed to John Byrone and
which shows the lamentable state of uncertainty in those days, as to whom their
allegiance was due.
“God bless the King, I mean the faiths defender;
God bless, no harm in blessing the Pretender;
Who that Pretender is, and who that King;
God bless us all, is quite another thing;
There is strong grounds for the belief that Colonel Caesar himself was a Jacobite in
his heart, but fortunately he never took an active part in the cause, else there would
probably have been a third confiscation of the Estates, and he might have fared as
badly, if not worse, than those who went before him. I have not been able to
ascertain when the last of the English Estates were disposed of, but some of them at
least remained with Sir Caesar, the second baronet, for he alludes to them in his
Will.
One of the Colonel daughters was a deaf mute, and there are many strange stories
told in connection with her, such as that she invariably became restless, and walked
at night previous to the death of any member of the family.
In another, Richard Gill (see above ... JC) tells us that, “In the Christmas of 1758 or 9, Col. Caesar, as
was customary, invited many of his relatives and friends to Tintern Abbey for the
holidays for a month. 23 of his own name principally of the male sex, were present,
the woods and groves were very extensive at that time, in the party there were 2
Caesar’s, 2 Adams, 2 Johns, 2 Toms, 2 Patricks and 2 Henrys. There was an old
servant named James Moloney in the family at that time, who spent his lifetime with
them, and he often spent a day afterwards with my father talking over many things,
and the foregoing in particularly, as it was his first time in the Abbey. The Leighs,
Loftus’, and Tottenhams often dined there after the day’s sport, and it was at this
time, that Lord Loftus remarked “Colclough your glasses are small”, to which the
Colonel replied, “fill them often and they will turn a mill”. The last time he was at
Tintern for the Christmas, he had the Duffry Hall Stag Hounds and there were 24
Colcloughs mounted, and along with them the Hattons, Hores, Harvey, Bunburys,
Leighs and many others that I can not think of. He was 3 years in Dublin under
Doctors, for a scorbutic Dropsy. He was buried on Easter Monday night at 12 o clock
and the funeral cortege was most impressive and grand with torchlight, and
flambeaux on the horses heads”.
Colonel Caesar commanded I believe the Wexford Regiment of Militia, and it is
certain that he raised a Regiment of Dragoons in the County by authority of the
Government. He left by his Will (which was too long for me to copy in extenso) all
that he had the disposal of, to his eldest surviving son Adam, who held Duffry Hall
under lease and resided there. Adam was a wonderful favourite with all, and
especially with the country people. I have extracted from “Irish Folk Lore” published
many years ago in Dublin.
“The district of the Duffry in the north west of Wexford, has its pool and its
legendary peist as the traveller proceeds from Bunclody (Newtownbarry) towards
the ancient seat of the Colcloughs at Mochurry, with the imposing mass of Mount
Leinster on his right hand, he will see an insignificant looking pool in a rushy field as
he approaches the little bridge of Thuar”; this is Lough na Peisthe, or the lake of the
Serpent or Dragon, and the legend there goes on to relate how a brave Munster man
overcame the serpent and relieved the country side of the destroying monster. The
legend then continues, “The whole country side soon had the welcome news from
all the fires on the hills, and the brave Munster man was made much of by the King
and Queen at Ferns. Ever so much money was given to him, and he thought the best
thing he could do with it was to build a church. He had a curious dream one night,
and the first thing he saw next morning, when he went out was a wild duck and
mallard flying up the Duffrey. He followed them over the bridge of Thuae, and the
ford on the Glasha, and across the little hill, and when they came over
Templeshambo, down they lighted, the drake on one side of the stream, the duck on
the other. So he built a Monastery where the drake rested, and a nunnery where
the duck rested, and till our own days no man has ever been buried in the nunnery
grave yard, nor woman in the monastery grave yard.
In the time of Adam Colclough, an old Palentine woman that they called Blue Cap
was put in the wrong place, and the boys ruz her three times and put her coffin up
against the church door till her relations buried her at last on the women’s side”,
The following, relating also in fact to the foregoing circumstances is extracted from
Kennedy’s ‘Legends of Mount Leinster” and ‘Evenings in the Duffry”.
‘The master of the Hall (Duffry) is taking his ease in a rustic chair in the morning
dress of the gentleman of the period xxx His three-cornered hat hangs on a side
projection of this seat, and the curls of his wig fall on his shoulders. The noble
features are expressive of good nature, with an alloy of testiness. Two or three
neighbouring Squires, and some farmers stand or sit around, and the conversation
embraces hurling matches, hunting and farming”, for all which I must refer my
readers to the books in question. The evening was enlivened however by the
entrance upon the scene of Peter, the Duffry Poet Laureate, who amongst other
things recited for the company his latest effusion, which however I cannot find room
for in full6, and shall omit in part his uncomplimentary remarks upon a neighbouring
squire, who had only lately acquired property in those parts, and who had not
succeeded in gaining his good will.
Monday, 7 October 2013
Friday, 4 October 2013
I think that this is one of my favourite letters...
Letter John to Caesar, dated Dublin June 18th 1801.
My dear Caesar,
Your last letter has given me and all your friends, most infinite satisfaction,
particularly that part of which it shows how unfounded a report that was which was
communicated to my uncle John by a friend of his and yours from Lismore, and on
which I understand, my mother and he wrote to you, and tho’ it is the wish of my
heart to see you married, and have one of our own name and blood to succeed us
both (for it is probable unless when doating, that I shall never marry). Yet from the
character of the person spoken of, I think you could not be happy with her as a wife.
I feel this is a very delicate point for me to mention at all, and therefore request
when you answer this letter, that you will take of no kind notice of the foregoing part
...
There is a very fine smart little boy of yours by E. Hays that I am thinking of sending
to some cheap school in England, he is about 11 or 12. I am afraid the mother has
brought him up with a turn for the Army, and in that opinion I think we should after
he has been a little time at school try and get him a Midshipman place, the
allowance to the mother at present is 12 guineas a year schooling and clothes, but
the last not regular. I am always in advance to her. There is another most ingenious
little fellow [City Debtor’s] your own son, but he has a turn in his eyes, and is so near
sighted that he can hardly see to read. This little fellow I mean for a Head Gardener,
that being a business that does not require good sight, tho’ he has the most
mechanical turn in the world & he lives with me at Tintern since the Rebellion. There
is also a brother lives with me, he about 19 (one of Poll Connors) him I intend for a
miller, he is the honestest, best but stupidest boy in the world I have at school, going
over and over again Arithmetic to indeed but little purpose. I offered £100 fee with
him to the Miller at Mercers Mills, but it would be not taken. Of Mrs. Harringtons
sons, who are both fine lads, the eldest is a Lieut. in a Fencible Regt. now in Halifax. I
had a letter from him. The Barrack and every hapenny worth he possessed of, has
been burned, and in consequence I was obliged to remit him £20, the only remittance since he joined a year and a half ago. The other son is a young surgeon, his allowance is 12 Guineas a year for clothes, 2 for Lectures, and 2 for Washing.
There is a sister of Poll Wards, and another of our own, that stands me in about 5
Guineas. This a sketch of the encumbrances. ...
John Colclough, à Monsieur Colclough, Frankfurt, am Main.
Letter John to Caesar, dated Dublin June 18th 1801.
My dear Caesar,
Your last letter has given me and all your friends, most infinite satisfaction,
particularly that part of which it shows how unfounded a report that was which was
communicated to my uncle John by a friend of his and yours from Lismore, and on
which I understand, my mother and he wrote to you, and tho’ it is the wish of my
heart to see you married, and have one of our own name and blood to succeed us
both (for it is probable unless when doating, that I shall never marry). Yet from the
character of the person spoken of, I think you could not be happy with her as a wife.
I feel this is a very delicate point for me to mention at all, and therefore request
when you answer this letter, that you will take of no kind notice of the foregoing part
...
There is a very fine smart little boy of yours by E. Hays that I am thinking of sending
to some cheap school in England, he is about 11 or 12. I am afraid the mother has
brought him up with a turn for the Army, and in that opinion I think we should after
he has been a little time at school try and get him a Midshipman place, the
allowance to the mother at present is 12 guineas a year schooling and clothes, but
the last not regular. I am always in advance to her. There is another most ingenious
little fellow [City Debtor’s] your own son, but he has a turn in his eyes, and is so near
sighted that he can hardly see to read. This little fellow I mean for a Head Gardener,
that being a business that does not require good sight, tho’ he has the most
mechanical turn in the world & he lives with me at Tintern since the Rebellion. There
is also a brother lives with me, he about 19 (one of Poll Connors) him I intend for a
miller, he is the honestest, best but stupidest boy in the world I have at school, going
over and over again Arithmetic to indeed but little purpose. I offered £100 fee with
him to the Miller at Mercers Mills, but it would be not taken. Of Mrs. Harringtons
sons, who are both fine lads, the eldest is a Lieut. in a Fencible Regt. now in Halifax. I
had a letter from him. The Barrack and every hapenny worth he possessed of, has
been burned, and in consequence I was obliged to remit him £20, the only remittance since he joined a year and a half ago. The other son is a young surgeon, his allowance is 12 Guineas a year for clothes, 2 for Lectures, and 2 for Washing.
There is a sister of Poll Wards, and another of our own, that stands me in about 5
Guineas. This a sketch of the encumbrances. ...
John Colclough, à Monsieur Colclough, Frankfurt, am Main.
Friday, 27 September 2013
more rebellion
A couple more letters from the time of the rebellon:
More from Mc Peake
22 August 1798
John Colclough, Dublin, to Caesar Colclough, Ulm,
about his arrest on suspicion of [having] been implicated in the rebellion. ‘ From a
letter to my mother in London, I conjecture she has informed you of my situation. I
wish she had not done so, as it could only tend to make you uneasy and be of no use,
as I shall probably be discharged before you receive this. I cannot conceive on what
charge I was apprehended (at Fishguard on the 9th July), and am still continued in
confinement; for it is utterly impossible there can be anything against me, though
there have been several attempts made by Tottenham of Ross and the protestant
Ascendancy party to suborn witnesses to swear against me-but in vain. I long since
petitioned twice to be tried, even by a court martial, but could not obtained it, which
I conceive to be a tolerable proof that there is nothing against me, and that I am only
kept in confinement through the malicious importuity of Tottenham and the abovementioned
party, who first cause my apprehension. Tom Mc Cord was also
implicated in the warrant with me, but he has gone to London, and so escaped being
arrested where he continues still, rather choosing to be his own keeper until I am
disposed of, when he means to give himself up. I should long since have lodged the money I mentioned, but the sloop and cargo are under seizure, and probable will not be released till I am at liberty. I must apprise you that I understand Tintern has not suffered much, that very few indeed of the
people have been killed, and the rest have all returned to peace and industry; so that
things are not so bad as I dreaded, nor will my dear brother, I trust, ever be obliged
to earn your bread with the sweat of your brow, and I hope this unfortunate country
will soon be at peace with itself and the rest of the world. I shall a short time give
you an account of the rise and progress of the rebellion, etc.
I think you should by all means remain where you are, until all is quite here. At least I
am very comfortably situated in the back(?) House in Castle Street, where you used
formerly (to) get soop (sic-?). I had the liberty of seeing my friends and am well
used every way, and it costs me nothing. I deferred writing to you from day to day,
still expecting to get out. I had began (sic) a letter to you, but I did not intend letting
you know my situation, but my mother’s letter has put that out of the question. ...’
9 December 1798
Caesar Colclough, Ulm, to Lady Colclough, Great Pulteney Street, Golden Square,
London,
about John Grogan’s memorial and about the rebellion. ‘... the agreeable tidings of
Lord Cornwallis’s conduct to John is another proof of John’s innocent persecution
and the infamous conduct of party against Lord C. in secreting John’s memorial in
order to make enemies to the system that is now established. ...
I do not know what can be the reason of our letters miscarrying. However, I believe
it may be the vigilance of government, to prevent any political intercourse with
foreign countries, and probable the negligence of the offices, when they have
opened and read our letters, not to take the trouble of re-sealing them. However, I
am glad that this consolation results from their precaution, that we shall be known
and of course esteemed for our moderation, attachment to order and philanthropy,
and notwithstanding the ills our property and relations have suffered from the
rebels, the former sentiments of humanity are unshaken; and though on the other
hand we have been equally chagrined, never did we impute it to the intentions of
government but the unlucky intolerance of a petty faction, which is extinguished by
the firmness of Lord Cornwallis’s administration.
I dare not speak of the union, but I can only say that the forfeiture of my borough
would be a trifling consideration for the purchase of so great an advantage to my
country.
20 December 1798
John Colclough to Caesar Colclough, Ulm,
a long complaint about the shabby behaviour of William Harvey in a financial
transaction, and reflections on the rebellion. ‘... I have been here three weeks, and
can’t bear to look out, on account of my meeting the villains of this place, for such a
horrid set of hell-hounds never inhabited any country.
They were intent on nothing but plunder and murder. The greatest savages of Africa
and America were civilisation itself compared to them. You cannot, nor did I,
conceive that man could be so ferocious, and I am convinced that, had the country
remained another week under them, a single protestant, in particular a gentleman of
any kind, would not have been left alive. As it was, Bagenal Harvey, Keogh and John
Colclough were repeatedly in the most imminent danger. Keogh was twice taken out
to be piked.
I will send money to Wright twelfth day, as that is the day I have given notice to the
tenants to pay, which they are very unwilling to do. Do you know, or could you
believe, that during the troubles that no man dare show the least concern or sorrow
insomuch that, if any man were seen at work, it was as much as life was worth. I
desired my mother to write you the news, which she can do much better than I, as I
am in one continual passion and fret from morning till night with the sight of the
rascals. So much as a barrel of wheat they would not send into the mill, least it
might be placed to the credit of their rent,’
More from Mc Peake
22 August 1798
John Colclough, Dublin, to Caesar Colclough, Ulm,
about his arrest on suspicion of [having] been implicated in the rebellion. ‘ From a
letter to my mother in London, I conjecture she has informed you of my situation. I
wish she had not done so, as it could only tend to make you uneasy and be of no use,
as I shall probably be discharged before you receive this. I cannot conceive on what
charge I was apprehended (at Fishguard on the 9th July), and am still continued in
confinement; for it is utterly impossible there can be anything against me, though
there have been several attempts made by Tottenham of Ross and the protestant
Ascendancy party to suborn witnesses to swear against me-but in vain. I long since
petitioned twice to be tried, even by a court martial, but could not obtained it, which
I conceive to be a tolerable proof that there is nothing against me, and that I am only
kept in confinement through the malicious importuity of Tottenham and the abovementioned
party, who first cause my apprehension. Tom Mc Cord was also
implicated in the warrant with me, but he has gone to London, and so escaped being
arrested where he continues still, rather choosing to be his own keeper until I am
disposed of, when he means to give himself up. I should long since have lodged the money I mentioned, but the sloop and cargo are under seizure, and probable will not be released till I am at liberty. I must apprise you that I understand Tintern has not suffered much, that very few indeed of the
people have been killed, and the rest have all returned to peace and industry; so that
things are not so bad as I dreaded, nor will my dear brother, I trust, ever be obliged
to earn your bread with the sweat of your brow, and I hope this unfortunate country
will soon be at peace with itself and the rest of the world. I shall a short time give
you an account of the rise and progress of the rebellion, etc.
I think you should by all means remain where you are, until all is quite here. At least I
am very comfortably situated in the back(?) House in Castle Street, where you used
formerly (to) get soop (sic-?). I had the liberty of seeing my friends and am well
used every way, and it costs me nothing. I deferred writing to you from day to day,
still expecting to get out. I had began (sic) a letter to you, but I did not intend letting
you know my situation, but my mother’s letter has put that out of the question. ...’
9 December 1798
Caesar Colclough, Ulm, to Lady Colclough, Great Pulteney Street, Golden Square,
London,
about John Grogan’s memorial and about the rebellion. ‘... the agreeable tidings of
Lord Cornwallis’s conduct to John is another proof of John’s innocent persecution
and the infamous conduct of party against Lord C. in secreting John’s memorial in
order to make enemies to the system that is now established. ...
I do not know what can be the reason of our letters miscarrying. However, I believe
it may be the vigilance of government, to prevent any political intercourse with
foreign countries, and probable the negligence of the offices, when they have
opened and read our letters, not to take the trouble of re-sealing them. However, I
am glad that this consolation results from their precaution, that we shall be known
and of course esteemed for our moderation, attachment to order and philanthropy,
and notwithstanding the ills our property and relations have suffered from the
rebels, the former sentiments of humanity are unshaken; and though on the other
hand we have been equally chagrined, never did we impute it to the intentions of
government but the unlucky intolerance of a petty faction, which is extinguished by
the firmness of Lord Cornwallis’s administration.
I dare not speak of the union, but I can only say that the forfeiture of my borough
would be a trifling consideration for the purchase of so great an advantage to my
country.
20 December 1798
John Colclough to Caesar Colclough, Ulm,
a long complaint about the shabby behaviour of William Harvey in a financial
transaction, and reflections on the rebellion. ‘... I have been here three weeks, and
can’t bear to look out, on account of my meeting the villains of this place, for such a
horrid set of hell-hounds never inhabited any country.
They were intent on nothing but plunder and murder. The greatest savages of Africa
and America were civilisation itself compared to them. You cannot, nor did I,
conceive that man could be so ferocious, and I am convinced that, had the country
remained another week under them, a single protestant, in particular a gentleman of
any kind, would not have been left alive. As it was, Bagenal Harvey, Keogh and John
Colclough were repeatedly in the most imminent danger. Keogh was twice taken out
to be piked.
I will send money to Wright twelfth day, as that is the day I have given notice to the
tenants to pay, which they are very unwilling to do. Do you know, or could you
believe, that during the troubles that no man dare show the least concern or sorrow
insomuch that, if any man were seen at work, it was as much as life was worth. I
desired my mother to write you the news, which she can do much better than I, as I
am in one continual passion and fret from morning till night with the sight of the
rascals. So much as a barrel of wheat they would not send into the mill, least it
might be placed to the credit of their rent,’
Saturday, 21 September 2013
Rebellion
I haven't posted for a while, its been a busy summer, going here and there anyway here are one or two interesting comments on the 1798 rebellion.
The family names index format didn't work out quite right (thanks Carol) I am going to try and fix it!
As always I hope these are of interest, all feedback welcome, the following are sourced from the McPeake papers...
Wexford Rebellion 1798.
John to Caesar.
Dated Fishguard June 15th 1798.
My dear Caesar,
Dreadful and horrid events have happened in the County Wexford since I
wrote to you last. I went to Dublin about the middle of last month about Dunmain.
A few days after my arrival Martial Law was proclaimed, and tho’ every thing was
perfectly quite, it was very unpleasant as there was no kind of business doing, and all
persons should be in their houses by 9 o’clock. I therefore determined to return to
the country, which I conceived to be quiet. Accordingly on Saturday evening the 26th
I set sail in a Wexford Sloop for that town where I arrived on Monday morning, and
found all there in utmost consternation. A party of insurgents to the amount of at
least 4000 had assembled near our land; on Saturday night a party of the North Cork
Militia amounting to 110 marched out against them. They fired two rounds when the
insurgents began to give way, but the Officer most imprudently ordered his men to
charge, the other party rallied and received the soldiers on their pikes which being
two or three feet longer than the bayonets they killed every one of the party except
four. (I should have told you my mother was in Dublin). The drawbridge was now
the only protection of Wexford, for there was no more military there, or indeed in
the county, except Yeomanry Corps which were so scattered up and down, that they
could affect nothing. The insurgents proceeded to Enniscorthy having first destroyed
all the county between Wexford and Gorey (The latter was taken by another party).
They proceeded burning the houses and murdering the families of all that did not
join them, till they came to Enniscorthy which after a gallant defence by about 220
Yeomen and Militia, they took the place and burned it to the ground. This happened
on Monday. On Wednesday morning 2 Howitzers that were going from Duncannon
to Wexford were surrounded at the mountain of Forth and taken and all the party,
about 60, cut to pieces. There was a party of the Army amounting to about 500 on
their way from Waterford, but on their hearing of this last business they retreated to
Duncannon.
The whole county was now at their mercy, and Tom Mc Cord and I, and all the
Protestants retreated into it also, not that I was a bit afraid of our own people for
there was nothing they dreaded as much as being forced through dire necessity to
join the insurgents, but Lord Ely’s estate, and Lord Donegal’s, and in short all the
surrounding county was rising and as they must pass through Tintern, they would
force every single male inhabitant along with them, or murder them and their
families. The Army could afford them no protection for they were afraid to stir out of
the Fort, so that any thing so dangerous as Duncannon was, cannot be conceived, for
if they went to Duncannon, they must starve, and their families that they left behind
would be murdered, and if they remained in their houses they would be carried off
by the United men, so that their destruction was and is inevitable. On the retreat of
the Army, all persons except those belonging to it were obliged to quit the Fort, so
on Thursday Tom McCord and family and I sailed in his Sloop and arrived here on the
Saturday following. When we left Ireland, we were sure Ross would have fallen, but
since that there was a considerable force marched into it, so as to be able on the
Tuesday following to repel an attack of the insurgents, with the loss of at least 5000
of them, tho’ many of our acquaintances have been killed, our relations have all
escaped except poor Watson who was killed, (shot by a rebel sniper) and my Uncle
Cornelius who is a prisoner in his own house.
I forgot to tell you that the day the Howitzers were taken Wexford was evacuated by
the Army, and of course fell into the hands of the United men. I think it probable
that there will soon be an end put to this business, and that we may soon return. I
shall be able to send you £100 or £150, as I had 100 sacks of flour on board, for the
Sloop was laden for Dublin. I was so sick that I was two or three days before I
recovered, and I waited for some important news before I wrote. I am at Fishguard.
Direct to me, care of W. Sutton, Haverford West, We have probably lost three or
four of the Burgesses since I wrote. My Uncle Tom has been killed.
à Monsieur Colclough, Post Restante, Ulm.
Letter John to Caesar.
Fishguard, July 3rd 1798.
My dear Caesar,
I take up my pen to write the saddest letter you ever did or I hope ever will
receive. My poor Uncle Cornelius has fallen a victim to the barbarous policy of our
Government. I wrote to you in my former letters from this, the progress of the
rebellion to the time I made my escape, since that-thank God, they have all been cut
to pieces and peace restored at least in our county. They were in possession of the
whole country except Ross and Duncannon for three whole weeks, so that there is
nothing but desolation to be seen, and what I shall do for money for you, I can’t
conceive. At all events I have 100 sacks of flour here, and when I sell them I will send
Wright £150, but when I shall be able to make another remittance God only knows.
I must tell you about Rowe, tho’ he owed my mother, who is with me here, £100, he
would not give her a single farthing, at the time she did not know where I was, and
had not a penny herself, and he could not have less than £6000, with which he sailed
off to Hollyhead.
I wrote to you before that my Uncle Tom was killed at Arklow, charging the rebels at
the head of his troops. This, one would think, was sufficient misfortune, but now to
freeze your very blood, my unfortunate Uncle Cornelius was surrounded and kept a
prisoner in his own house by the rebels, when in order to save his own life he
supplied them with provisions, for doing which, when the Army were victorious, and
retook Wexford, they tryed him by a Court martial for aiding and assisting the rebels,
and he was hanged this day week. John Colclough of Ballyteige was also hanged, but
he was always suspected of being a United man. William Hatton, John Hay,
Beauchamp Bagenal Harvey, William Kearney Keogh, and many others are hanged,
and I suppose all the Papist Merchants and Gentlemen of Wexford also suffer. One
Roach a Priest who was the General is hanged.
Tho’ one can hardly think that it was the original intention of the United men to
murder all the Protestants, for many of the heads of them were of that persuasion.
Yet when once the mob rose, they murdered almost all of them. I am told they
burned upwards of 100 of them in a barn at Scullabogue, and they certainly would
have served all their prisoners that were in Wexford the same way, had not the Army
providentially and unexpectedly come time enough. There were many Protestants
who to save their own lives, were christened by a Priest and pretended to side with
the rebels, such as my Uncle Cornelius, William Hatton, Doctor Jacob, Tom Jones,
Tom Richards, and many others. The women were not injured anywhere, but were
christened. My Uncle John, after fighting at the head of his troops, five days and
nights successively retreated with the Army to Duncannon and thence to Waterford,
where he remained till within this day or two. There was the most dreadful plot
discovered there, four days only before it was to have been put into execution, the
town was to have been set on fire, and all the Protestants murdered, similar plots to
this have been discovered elsewhere, indeed they seem to have universal.
What an escape we have had. Castletown and Heathfield have been entirely gutted,
Tintern has not I am told suffered much, but I have no certain intelligence, it was out
of the gangway, and besides there was no body to touch it, but your own Tenantry
and Lord Ely’s, and as I was always very kind to both, I hope it may have escaped. I
hear most of the old Protestants of Tintern who were not able to join the Yeomanry
at Duncannon were burned at Scullabogue. There is neither car nor horse to be seen
in the whole County, the cornfields eaten and trod down, and the County quite a
desert. You might ride from end to the other without seeing a single man. What will
become of us I can’t think. We don't know whether my Uncles Tom or Cornelius
made a Will. I suppose I need not inform you that as the property was settled, it
can’t be forfeited. As you say Ulm is a cheap place. I think you had better stay where
you are till the troubles are over. My mother and I will be able to do on very little,
and every penny we can raise and run shall go to you. This dreadful crash, has been
hanging over us these eighteen months, and perhaps the Country may recover in a
couple of years. God send it may is the prayer of J. Colclough. My mother is pretty
well. Direct to me to Jemmy Simon, 205 Piccadilly, and he will forward it wherever I
am.
à Monsieur Colclough, Poste Restante, Ulm.
Letter, Caesar, Ulm to John, Picadilly, 22nd July 1798.
My dear John,
I received yours of the 3rd inst. this morning. Judge the horror of this perfidy
that condemned one innocent, whilst two others were losing their lives in the
service, but my dear John this is familiar to me. I saw many instances of nearly the
same nature, and had you followed my hints you would have saved, not only our
friends, but our finances from the present embarrassment. The farther I travel the
more I see the progress of these opinions that have brought our unhappy Country to
the state in which it is, and united with fanaticism, has produced the direful effects
that we now are witness to, and I fear my dear John, the tears that we have already
shed, are not to be soon dryed, (for if I can judge by analogy) the passions once
roused to the point they are, mutual vengeance and ferocity are long continued
effects and I do not flatter myself with so speedy a conclusion to these miserable
calamities. The only judgment I can form, is from the newspapers and opinions, that
I must shut my ears not to hear, for here as elsewhere, one must listen and be silent
lest you pass for the friend or enemy of one side or the other, and always take your
precautions for the worst event, which I have done. And I can live a long time
without drawing from you a farthing, therefore do not send any money to Wright
until I write to you. Had you taken the counsel I gave you, the Mortgage, which now
is but paper, would be in a state to guarantee us from any pecuniary inconvenience,
but I know my dear John that you do all for the better. In future when I venture an
opinion, and conjure you to adopt it, you will pay I am sure more attention to my
advice. I shall remain here tho’ the climate does not agree with me, because it is
cheap, but I fear the recommencement of the War will oblige me to quit, and there is
little doubt to one who listens with indifference, that in such a case, the French party
here will, aided by their Arms intrigues money and principles, and the discontent of
the Country, undermine the ancient authority, and produce the melancholy effects it
has done in the neighbouring Country. Rowe’s conduct does not at all astonish me,
for he is like the rest of the world, except those few who are difficult to be found in
the best of moments, as they are desirable and disinterested in the worst, but this is
no moment for reflections or enmities, as I said already to you, the only recourse is
to assiduously cultivate the pursuit we have adopted.
The Mill and Commerce are your occupations, and I omit not an opportunity
to enrich my stock in the mechanical line that has already been serviceable to me, in
hopes in a more happy moment, to bring back to my unhappy desolate Country, the
fruits of my endeavours, and there reap the now unpromising harvest in serving the
surviving industry that may secure me in concilliating the friendship of all, by an
universal utility. Your letter is so full of melancholy events, and my health so
impaired by the attacks of the bile, that I scarce remember all, and dare not read it
again, such are the sentiments of horror it inspires and on which I will at this
moment make no comment.
Remember me to my mother, the surviving consolation of this dreadful
catastrophe, continue to write the havoc it has made, and amongst all those we
know. Adieu my dear John, my blood is indeed frozen with the events you mention.
In case the war begins again, I think of going to Hungary by the Danube, being the
cheapest country in Europe and removed from immediate danger, but I shall not
take a resolution without deliberately considering it. Adieu again, write to me and
pray that my mother do the same.
The family names index format didn't work out quite right (thanks Carol) I am going to try and fix it!
As always I hope these are of interest, all feedback welcome, the following are sourced from the McPeake papers...
Wexford Rebellion 1798.
John to Caesar.
Dated Fishguard June 15th 1798.
My dear Caesar,
Dreadful and horrid events have happened in the County Wexford since I
wrote to you last. I went to Dublin about the middle of last month about Dunmain.
A few days after my arrival Martial Law was proclaimed, and tho’ every thing was
perfectly quite, it was very unpleasant as there was no kind of business doing, and all
persons should be in their houses by 9 o’clock. I therefore determined to return to
the country, which I conceived to be quiet. Accordingly on Saturday evening the 26th
I set sail in a Wexford Sloop for that town where I arrived on Monday morning, and
found all there in utmost consternation. A party of insurgents to the amount of at
least 4000 had assembled near our land; on Saturday night a party of the North Cork
Militia amounting to 110 marched out against them. They fired two rounds when the
insurgents began to give way, but the Officer most imprudently ordered his men to
charge, the other party rallied and received the soldiers on their pikes which being
two or three feet longer than the bayonets they killed every one of the party except
four. (I should have told you my mother was in Dublin). The drawbridge was now
the only protection of Wexford, for there was no more military there, or indeed in
the county, except Yeomanry Corps which were so scattered up and down, that they
could affect nothing. The insurgents proceeded to Enniscorthy having first destroyed
all the county between Wexford and Gorey (The latter was taken by another party).
They proceeded burning the houses and murdering the families of all that did not
join them, till they came to Enniscorthy which after a gallant defence by about 220
Yeomen and Militia, they took the place and burned it to the ground. This happened
on Monday. On Wednesday morning 2 Howitzers that were going from Duncannon
to Wexford were surrounded at the mountain of Forth and taken and all the party,
about 60, cut to pieces. There was a party of the Army amounting to about 500 on
their way from Waterford, but on their hearing of this last business they retreated to
Duncannon.
The whole county was now at their mercy, and Tom Mc Cord and I, and all the
Protestants retreated into it also, not that I was a bit afraid of our own people for
there was nothing they dreaded as much as being forced through dire necessity to
join the insurgents, but Lord Ely’s estate, and Lord Donegal’s, and in short all the
surrounding county was rising and as they must pass through Tintern, they would
force every single male inhabitant along with them, or murder them and their
families. The Army could afford them no protection for they were afraid to stir out of
the Fort, so that any thing so dangerous as Duncannon was, cannot be conceived, for
if they went to Duncannon, they must starve, and their families that they left behind
would be murdered, and if they remained in their houses they would be carried off
by the United men, so that their destruction was and is inevitable. On the retreat of
the Army, all persons except those belonging to it were obliged to quit the Fort, so
on Thursday Tom McCord and family and I sailed in his Sloop and arrived here on the
Saturday following. When we left Ireland, we were sure Ross would have fallen, but
since that there was a considerable force marched into it, so as to be able on the
Tuesday following to repel an attack of the insurgents, with the loss of at least 5000
of them, tho’ many of our acquaintances have been killed, our relations have all
escaped except poor Watson who was killed, (shot by a rebel sniper) and my Uncle
Cornelius who is a prisoner in his own house.
I forgot to tell you that the day the Howitzers were taken Wexford was evacuated by
the Army, and of course fell into the hands of the United men. I think it probable
that there will soon be an end put to this business, and that we may soon return. I
shall be able to send you £100 or £150, as I had 100 sacks of flour on board, for the
Sloop was laden for Dublin. I was so sick that I was two or three days before I
recovered, and I waited for some important news before I wrote. I am at Fishguard.
Direct to me, care of W. Sutton, Haverford West, We have probably lost three or
four of the Burgesses since I wrote. My Uncle Tom has been killed.
à Monsieur Colclough, Post Restante, Ulm.
Letter John to Caesar.
Fishguard, July 3rd 1798.
My dear Caesar,
I take up my pen to write the saddest letter you ever did or I hope ever will
receive. My poor Uncle Cornelius has fallen a victim to the barbarous policy of our
Government. I wrote to you in my former letters from this, the progress of the
rebellion to the time I made my escape, since that-thank God, they have all been cut
to pieces and peace restored at least in our county. They were in possession of the
whole country except Ross and Duncannon for three whole weeks, so that there is
nothing but desolation to be seen, and what I shall do for money for you, I can’t
conceive. At all events I have 100 sacks of flour here, and when I sell them I will send
Wright £150, but when I shall be able to make another remittance God only knows.
I must tell you about Rowe, tho’ he owed my mother, who is with me here, £100, he
would not give her a single farthing, at the time she did not know where I was, and
had not a penny herself, and he could not have less than £6000, with which he sailed
off to Hollyhead.
I wrote to you before that my Uncle Tom was killed at Arklow, charging the rebels at
the head of his troops. This, one would think, was sufficient misfortune, but now to
freeze your very blood, my unfortunate Uncle Cornelius was surrounded and kept a
prisoner in his own house by the rebels, when in order to save his own life he
supplied them with provisions, for doing which, when the Army were victorious, and
retook Wexford, they tryed him by a Court martial for aiding and assisting the rebels,
and he was hanged this day week. John Colclough of Ballyteige was also hanged, but
he was always suspected of being a United man. William Hatton, John Hay,
Beauchamp Bagenal Harvey, William Kearney Keogh, and many others are hanged,
and I suppose all the Papist Merchants and Gentlemen of Wexford also suffer. One
Roach a Priest who was the General is hanged.
Tho’ one can hardly think that it was the original intention of the United men to
murder all the Protestants, for many of the heads of them were of that persuasion.
Yet when once the mob rose, they murdered almost all of them. I am told they
burned upwards of 100 of them in a barn at Scullabogue, and they certainly would
have served all their prisoners that were in Wexford the same way, had not the Army
providentially and unexpectedly come time enough. There were many Protestants
who to save their own lives, were christened by a Priest and pretended to side with
the rebels, such as my Uncle Cornelius, William Hatton, Doctor Jacob, Tom Jones,
Tom Richards, and many others. The women were not injured anywhere, but were
christened. My Uncle John, after fighting at the head of his troops, five days and
nights successively retreated with the Army to Duncannon and thence to Waterford,
where he remained till within this day or two. There was the most dreadful plot
discovered there, four days only before it was to have been put into execution, the
town was to have been set on fire, and all the Protestants murdered, similar plots to
this have been discovered elsewhere, indeed they seem to have universal.
What an escape we have had. Castletown and Heathfield have been entirely gutted,
Tintern has not I am told suffered much, but I have no certain intelligence, it was out
of the gangway, and besides there was no body to touch it, but your own Tenantry
and Lord Ely’s, and as I was always very kind to both, I hope it may have escaped. I
hear most of the old Protestants of Tintern who were not able to join the Yeomanry
at Duncannon were burned at Scullabogue. There is neither car nor horse to be seen
in the whole County, the cornfields eaten and trod down, and the County quite a
desert. You might ride from end to the other without seeing a single man. What will
become of us I can’t think. We don't know whether my Uncles Tom or Cornelius
made a Will. I suppose I need not inform you that as the property was settled, it
can’t be forfeited. As you say Ulm is a cheap place. I think you had better stay where
you are till the troubles are over. My mother and I will be able to do on very little,
and every penny we can raise and run shall go to you. This dreadful crash, has been
hanging over us these eighteen months, and perhaps the Country may recover in a
couple of years. God send it may is the prayer of J. Colclough. My mother is pretty
well. Direct to me to Jemmy Simon, 205 Piccadilly, and he will forward it wherever I
am.
à Monsieur Colclough, Poste Restante, Ulm.
Letter, Caesar, Ulm to John, Picadilly, 22nd July 1798.
My dear John,
I received yours of the 3rd inst. this morning. Judge the horror of this perfidy
that condemned one innocent, whilst two others were losing their lives in the
service, but my dear John this is familiar to me. I saw many instances of nearly the
same nature, and had you followed my hints you would have saved, not only our
friends, but our finances from the present embarrassment. The farther I travel the
more I see the progress of these opinions that have brought our unhappy Country to
the state in which it is, and united with fanaticism, has produced the direful effects
that we now are witness to, and I fear my dear John, the tears that we have already
shed, are not to be soon dryed, (for if I can judge by analogy) the passions once
roused to the point they are, mutual vengeance and ferocity are long continued
effects and I do not flatter myself with so speedy a conclusion to these miserable
calamities. The only judgment I can form, is from the newspapers and opinions, that
I must shut my ears not to hear, for here as elsewhere, one must listen and be silent
lest you pass for the friend or enemy of one side or the other, and always take your
precautions for the worst event, which I have done. And I can live a long time
without drawing from you a farthing, therefore do not send any money to Wright
until I write to you. Had you taken the counsel I gave you, the Mortgage, which now
is but paper, would be in a state to guarantee us from any pecuniary inconvenience,
but I know my dear John that you do all for the better. In future when I venture an
opinion, and conjure you to adopt it, you will pay I am sure more attention to my
advice. I shall remain here tho’ the climate does not agree with me, because it is
cheap, but I fear the recommencement of the War will oblige me to quit, and there is
little doubt to one who listens with indifference, that in such a case, the French party
here will, aided by their Arms intrigues money and principles, and the discontent of
the Country, undermine the ancient authority, and produce the melancholy effects it
has done in the neighbouring Country. Rowe’s conduct does not at all astonish me,
for he is like the rest of the world, except those few who are difficult to be found in
the best of moments, as they are desirable and disinterested in the worst, but this is
no moment for reflections or enmities, as I said already to you, the only recourse is
to assiduously cultivate the pursuit we have adopted.
The Mill and Commerce are your occupations, and I omit not an opportunity
to enrich my stock in the mechanical line that has already been serviceable to me, in
hopes in a more happy moment, to bring back to my unhappy desolate Country, the
fruits of my endeavours, and there reap the now unpromising harvest in serving the
surviving industry that may secure me in concilliating the friendship of all, by an
universal utility. Your letter is so full of melancholy events, and my health so
impaired by the attacks of the bile, that I scarce remember all, and dare not read it
again, such are the sentiments of horror it inspires and on which I will at this
moment make no comment.
Remember me to my mother, the surviving consolation of this dreadful
catastrophe, continue to write the havoc it has made, and amongst all those we
know. Adieu my dear John, my blood is indeed frozen with the events you mention.
In case the war begins again, I think of going to Hungary by the Danube, being the
cheapest country in Europe and removed from immediate danger, but I shall not
take a resolution without deliberately considering it. Adieu again, write to me and
pray that my mother do the same.
Sunday, 18 August 2013
Starting a list of names: eventually for a searchable database
| H |
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